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This thesis is concerned with an issue of considerable importance to the development of revision skills: the role of teacher feedback. Prompted by the concern to develop a model of instruction which will help students write to the best of their capacities, the present study forms a proposal: an interactive model of revision. The study researches whether the kind of feedback proposed in this model is indeed a helpful tool for revision and whether the kind of negotiated revision that occurs is a vehicle for learning. The first section of the thesis reviews different areas of literature which are relevant to the study. More specifically, Chapter 2 presents the historical and theoretical foundations of different writing instructional practices and sheds light on issues concerning the use of the process approach. It also reviews research based on sociocognitive theoretical perspectives in an attempt to delineate the impact of interpersonal or social activity on individual performance and progress. Chapter 3 examines issues associated with the process approach in particular and illustrates how theory and method come together in a process writing classroom. Chapter 4 presents the differences in revising behaviours between experienced and inexperienced writers in both L1 and L2 contexts and the various ways these differences have been justified. It also highlights a number of issues which have been identified as contributing to effective revision. Particular attention is paid to the role that teacher feedback has to play as a means of promoting substantive student revision with an instructional emphasis on fluency, organisation and language. Chapter 5 presents an interactive model of revision, which envisions a communicative exchange between two partners, the student-writer and the teacher-reader, collaborating in order to develop awareness of revision strategies and establish criteria for effective writing. Chapter 6 investigates the epistemological basis of the research and presents a set of research questions and hypotheses, which guided the investigation. Chapter 7 frames the context of the research and details the methods used to collect the data from the study. The study involved 100 Year 7 students in two gymnasia in Koblenz, Germany. During the time of the investigation, the students wrote and revised five tasks. Three of these tasks were revised after receiving teacher feedback, which focused on aspects such as appropriacy and sufficiency of information, organization, coherence and grammatical accuracy. The study investigates the effects of this kind of focused feedback on the students" revisions and explores the relationship between revision and text improvement. Large quantitative and qualitative data sets were generated during the research. The quantitative data was based on the student documents (1000 original and revised drafts) whereas the qualitative data emerged from student questionnaires and seven case studies. Chapter 8 presents descriptions of the data analyses. More specifically, it describes the initial and final coding of the revisions traced in the student documents. Then it focuses on the type of qualitative analysis employed in the case studies in order to investigate the relationship between revision and text improvement. The final section of the chapter describes the questionnaire analysis, which was carried out to investigate attitudes, benefits and constraints from the implementation of the model. Chapter 9 examines the statistical results from the analysis of the students" revisions. More specifically, it explores the revisions made by the students across tasks and the relationships between the features of the teacher feedback and these revisions. The analysis highlights patterns in the development of revision skills and positive correlations of student revisions with features of the teacher feedback. Chapter 10 looks at the descriptive data from the case studies of seven individual student writers. The analysis of this data illustrates how the specific students negotiated the revisions and sheds more light on the relationship between feedback, revision and text improvement. Chapter 11 contains the analysis of the students" answers to the questionnaire, which provide illuminative information about the feedback-related attitudes. In Chapter 12, the thesis reaches its final destination. The journey over the paths of literature exploration, data gathering and data analysis ends with reflections on the messages that emerge from the data analysis. The conclusion reached is that young students can learn how to revise their writing and focused feedback is a viable pedagogic option for teaching revision. In addition to discussing the findings, this final section considers the pedagogical implications for the teaching of writing and suggests possible avenues for further work.
In Idar-Oberstein gab es ab der zweiten Hälfte des 19. Jahrhunderts eine bedeutende Produktion von Modeschmuck in zahlreichen großen Fabriken, die sich bis in die 1980er Jahre halten konnte. Neben Pforzheim, Schwäbisch Gmünd und Hanau war Idar-Oberstein eines der vier wichtigsten deutschen Schmuckzentren. Heute sind nur noch vierzehn Firmennachlässe erhalten, dazu kommen die Bestände des Museums unterhalb der Felsenkirche. In dem erhaltenen Schmuck spiegeln sich die jeweils aktuellen Kunstrichtungen vom Historismus über Jugendstil, Art déco bis hin zu Informel und Zero in den 1960er und 70er Jahren. Außerdem haben sich auch viele alte Dokumente erhalten, die zusammengenommen ein Bild des damaligen Wirkens und Werkens der Schmuckfabriken liefern. Im Zentrum dieser Arbeit steht deshalb die wissenschaftliche Aufarbeitung dieser 15 Bestände. Jedoch wurde schnell klar, dass diese nicht einfach so für sich allein stehen können. Zunächst fehlte ein geistiger Überbau, um das Phänomen Modeschmuck wirklich verstehen und einordnen zu können. Daher steht am Anfang der Arbeit die Grundlegung einer bisher noch nicht vorhandenen Schmucktheorie mit schmuckästhetischen Überlegungen, die kunsthistorische, soziologische, psychologische und philosophische Standpunkte mit einbeziehen. Aber nicht nur ein geistiger Überbau, sondern auch ein materieller Unterbau waren nötig, um das Phänomen umfassend zu klären: In der bildenden Kunst käme niemand auf die Idee, ein Kunstwerk zu beurteilen, ohne seine Entstehungstechnik zu kennen. Ob etwas eine Ätzradierung oder ein Ölgemälde ist, macht doch einen enormen Unterschied. Beim Schmuck wurden derartige Überlegungen bisher weitgehend ignoriert, obwohl sein äußeres Erscheinungsbild genauso stark von den Techniken, die bei seiner Fertigung zum Einsatz kommen, geprägt ist. So haben wir es beim Idar-Obersteiner Modeschmuck nicht nur mit einer Entwicklung des Geschmacks, sondern auch mit einer technologischen Entwicklung zu tun, die jeweils neue bzw. andere Formen ermöglichte. Darauf folgt ein industriegeschichtlicher Überblick über die Idar-Obersteiner Schmuck- und Metallwarenproduktion, in dem gezeigt wird, warum gerade Idar-Oberstein sich neben Pforzheim, Hanau und Schwäbisch Gmünd zu einem der vier wichtigsten deutschen Schmuckzentren entwickeln konnte. Von zentraler Bedeutung ist der nun folgende Abschnitt über die kunsthistorische Entwicklung des Idar-Obersteiner Modeschmucks. Besonders gewürdigt wird dort die Nähe der Entwürfe zur zeitgenössischen bildenden Kunst und der innovative Umgang mit einfachen Materialien, der schon früh zu Schmuckformen führte, die unabhängig vom Echtschmuck waren. Es folgt die wissenschaftliche Aufarbeitung der vierzehn erhaltenen Firmennachlässe. Im Katalog werden schließlich repräsentative Ausschnitte aus dem erhaltenen Schmuckbestand der einzelnen Firmen und Höhepunkte der Bestände des Museums Idar-Oberstein unterhalb der Felsenkirche gezeigt, darunter bisher unbekannte Arbeiten aus dem Magazin. Meine Arbeit soll einerseits das, was sich in Idar-Oberstein erhalten hat, dokumentieren, andererseits aber auch ganz allgemein neue Impulse zum wissenschaftlichen Umgang mit dem Thema Schmuck geben und zeigen, wie wichtig es ist, sowohl schmucktheoretische Aspekte als auch die historischen Verfahrenstechniken in die Analyse mit einzubeziehen.
Der Begriff Gebrauchsgrafik ist im Wesentlichen ein Sammelbegriff für jene grafischen Arbeiten, die, im Gegensatz zur freien Grafik Anteil haben an der bewussten künstlerischen Durchformung und Gestaltung praktischer Aufgaben. Hauptbetätigungsfeld der Gebrauchsgrafik als zweckgebundene künstlerische Äußerungsform ist um 1900 die Reklame in Form von Plakaten, Anzeigen, Verpackungen, Firmensignets sowie Akzidenzen. Sie alle brachten den vielseitigen Formenschatz des Jugendstils einem breiten Publikum näher. Die Gebrauchsgrafik als neues Medium um 1900 steht im engen Zusammenhang mit dem technischen Fortschritt der industriellen Revolution: Angesichts zunehmender Konkurrenz durch die Massenproduktion von Konsumgütern versprach künstlerisch ansprechende Werbung Wettbewerbsvorteile. Dank der Erfindung der Lithografie um 1799 war die Gebrauchsgrafik allseitig verfügbar und gut finanzierbar. Sie passte in das Konzept des Jugendstils als Medium, das alle Bereiche mitgestaltet. Sie fungierte als Schnittstelle zwischen Wirtschaft, Kunst und Kultur. Exemplarisch werden drei unterschiedliche, für die Region bis heute bedeutende Branchen untersucht: der Tourismus, der Weinbau und die Industrie. Zudem werden Pfälzer Künstler des Jugendstils vorgestellt, die sich auf dem Gebiet der Gebrauchsgrafik betätigten. So lässt sich in der Pfalz eine repräsentative Anzahl gebrauchsgrafischer Arbeiten des Jugendstils in unterschiedlicher Ausprägung nachweisen. Als entlegene bayrische Provinz nahm sie die Strömungen der Zeit wahr und setzte sie auf ihre Weise um. Ein eigenständiger Pfälzer Jugendstil entwickelte sich aber nicht.
Gefährdete Weltmacht USA
(2017)
Aims and findings of the dissertation
The completed research uses holistic, politological and historical approaches to present how, during the studied period of the administrations of Clinton to Obama, the liberal, rule-based world order system is gradually supplemented and replaced by a system of realist imposition of vital interests that have short-term effects, preferring military means combined with continuous military optimisation. This also explains a continuity between the leading-power policy of administrations in this study (1993-2017) and the subsequent period of the “transactional leadership of Trump”(1), with its recognizable, far-reaching effects of aiming to reduce idealistic Grand Strategy elements and measures of a benevolent order by passing on costs to and reducing the benefits of European NATO allies. The results of this dissertation, such as the increasingly evident dissolution of a multilateral fundamental order, therefore indicate that Trump’s foreign and security policy to date should be regarded as a clearly noticeable crisis symptom, rather than the cause of a decline in the world order established after 1945. This decline is synonymous with the erosion of the transatlantically initiated bipolar “American system”. Its implementation was the result of the “lesson of two world wars”, based on modern concepts of order introduced by the Enlightenment and the founding criteria of the United States: thus its dissolution is also an indicator of the failure of contemporary criteria of order that thrive in the “American way of life”.
The cause of the described development is shown to be a constantly exacerbating overall threat, from Clinton to Obama, which is connected to the consistent erosion of US supremacy. Among other aspects, this is based on climate change effects postulated in 1979, which multiply the threat while coinciding with American peak production of fossil fuels and increased demand on resources in the context of dwindling raw material resources. Furthermore, during the period of this study, the “US conservative revolution”, which began in the 1980s, increasingly affected foreign and security policy, combining with a consolidation in the influence of corporations and lobby groups in fields such as policy implementation and new underlying conditions. They include the onset of digitisation, entailing a high consumption of resources, and a growing world population faced with specific demographic indicators. Additionally, the maintenance of the armaments sector, originally a result of bipolar development, as the economic basis of military supremacy and the slow decline of the Dollar hegemony since around 1973, should also be taken into account. Complex interaction between Grand Strategy implementation according to the premise of expanding US-American dominance under neoconservative and Christian Right-wing influences, as well as asymmetrical and reactivated conventional security threats and threat multipliers clearly indicate the linear development of the overall threat in the period between 1993 and 2017: in the context of Grand Strategy statements, above all the understanding of defence against this threat, of the latter’s multiplying factors and the market economy explains the following with respect to the US far-right in a complex interaction with the growth of transnational corporations, lobby groups, individuals(2), informal networks and state actors with respect to objects of threat and threat multipliers(3) in connection with the post-bipolar, global anchoring of US economic and consumer patterns: US adaptation of its reaction to this threat – while consolidating imperial presidency(4) and weakening the system of checks and balances – including its implications of a bipolar liberal order. In this way, the necessary continued leadership within NATO through the US-proposed NATO reform can be seen as an appropriate implementation of transformed threat-reaction measures and the legitimisation of systemic adaptation. It equally becomes clear that the established threat reaction measures only provide a short-term defence: instead, they enhance the asymmetric and conventional threat, as well as threat multipliers – by introducing arms races and breaking down arms control – thereby heightening the overall threat. The consequence is the consistently growing likelihood of a conflict of hitherto unimaginable proportions. At the same time, the urgent need to mobilise transatlantic cooperation with respect to supporting global cooperation between state and non-government actors is illustrated with respect to the roots of the threat and its deteriorating underlying conditions: each increase in the overall threat, the adapted US security policy and its continuation in NATO is connected to an erosion of rule-based underlying criteria during the studied period. This continuously and consistently undermines the basis of the above-stated, ever-increasingly important cooperation, to prevent or at least limit the successive erosion of the bipolar “American system” under future dystopias. The research results completely overturn the state of research to date, since for instance it is possible to show that, by means of NATO transformation findings, no transatlantic sharing of burdens on an equal footing and no NATO reform in accordance with its founding principles can be achieved. The same also applies to European opposition to the actual anchoring of NATO transformation positions(5), which is based on the erosion of the bipolar liberal order system and the maintenance of US advantages as well as the consolidation of particular interests they facilitate. Furthermore, it is apparent that a line of continuity in the threat-reaction measures from Clinton to Obama exists with varying external effects, along with an underlying pattern of “Battleship America” – as opposed to a multilaterally orientated foreign and security policy under Clinton, which merged into a unilateral, radical swing under G. W. Bush 43 following 9/11, but was reverted by the Obama administration. A comprehensive wealth of literature was used of the doctoral thesis, as reflected by the extensive bibliography: they firstly include diverse American and European publications, monographs and relevant secondary literature, including biographies, publications of various kinds of important political planning and implementation, as well as collected volumes and research articles from specialist journals on all fields of research and politological methodology and theory. The same applies to publications by leading European and American institutions, research centres and think tanks. Furthermore, this author used publications and documents by governments, foreign ministries, defence ministries, other government bodies and Nato.
Dissertation structure
This dissertation is divided into two volumes and one Appendix: Volume 1 discusses Focus 1, namely a process-tracing in the context of offensive neorealist positioning. Volume 2 presents Focus 2, which is based on the preceding focus in making a structured, focussed comparison in the context of defensive neorealist positioning. The Appendix volume contains further discussion of Chapter 1, Volume 1 with respect to the state of research, literature and sources, theoretical positioning and the choice of the region of study and selected European NATO partners. Furthermore, a historical chapter provides underlying information for process-tracing in Chapter 2, Volume 1, an index of images and abbreviations, and a bibliography.
The entire dissertation uses qualitative methods to focus on these two mutually supporting, building on each other, themes to investigate the following from a US-perspective: firstly the overriding US security-policy reaction to a new overall threat and secondly, its continuation combined with the opportunity of for enabling and legitimising it within and through NATO during the studied period from Clinton to Obama.
Based on the first part of this hypothesis, Focus 1 (Volume 1) establishes a connection between, on the one hand, maintaining the bipolar Grand Strategy target of consolidating the USA as a leading, regulating power, bipolar foreign-policy Grand Strategy indicators and a new overall threat that is developing in a complex way, and, on the other, the necessity of its continued leadership within NATO and the required NATO transformation according to US-proposed NATO transformation positions.
Focus 2 (Volume 2) is based on the second part of the hypothesis, investigating the transatlantic negotiation process to establish these US-proposed NATO transformation positions: in this context, Volume 2 investigates whether the attempt to actually secure and consolidate such US supremacy was unsuccessful in the face of resistance from selected European NATO partners, namely France, Germany and the United Kingdom.
The overall result shows that due to a complex, developing, linear increase in the overall threat, the chance for the USA to consolidate its status as a leading power is steadily diminishing. This must be compensated by adapting US security policy. The resulting American security-policy realignment based on the initiated “revolution in military affairs” in turn modifies the indicators of bipolar collective security guarantees. Everything is enabled and legitimised by means of actually securing US NATO-transformation positions. The actual implementation of such NATO transformation – representing the consistent adaptation of US security policy – enables a mission-orientated, rapid response, flexible, global security projection. It also creates conditions for “alliances of choice” within NATO. Furthermore, the modification of a “bipolar NATO” exacerbates the erosion of key achievements of civilisation as a result of adapted US security policy, as well as undermining the tasks of bipolar collective security guarantees through diminished benefits to European NATO partners.
The actual anchoring of NATO transformation positions is achieved by reactivating the conventional threat in the context of the Ukraine crisis of 2014 and the extension of NATO partnership rings on a global level, without providing them with NATO membership status, thus avoiding globalisation in a mutual defence case. The German and French resistance is particularly intensive through the involvement of European founder states, while the formation of a European leadership triumvirate consisting of France, Germany and the United Kingdom does not take place.
Moreover, a relevant investigation of causes particularly shows that despite constant mutually supporting US security reaction measures with varying international effects and actual continued leadership within NATO, the overall threat is not receding: this leads to a constant increase in the overall threat, a loss of influence of state actors, the diffusion and concentration of power and the increased probability of reactive conventional, nuclear, cyber and ecological destruction scenarios. On this basis, the consequence is an increasingly comprehensive and rapidly responding precision defence combined with growing securitization to compensate for the ongoing containment of US supremacy. This developing process steadily diminishes the reach and power of a liberal, rule-based, bipolar “American system” and the establishment of “idealistic, liberal” elements of US-Grand Strategy. This entails a further reduction in benefits for European NATO allies and increasing US cost-cutting demands – based on the successive NATO transformation positions that build on each other and Obama’s “smart power”(6) during the period studied in this dissertation. Thus the chance is receding of developing the post-bipolar, globally adopted American way of life with individual national character, which is regarded as “non-negotiable”: for instance its articulation is expressed through increasing right-wing populism, the election of outsider-candidates, the dissolution of traditional party systems, isolationist tendencies combined with burgeoning ethnic, regional movements, the rejection of supranationalism, and religious fundamentalism. At the same time, the ongoing erosion of global public goods is apparent.
This all paves the way to limiting the benevolent American regulating power and state actors’ leverage – and therefore to a return to classic power politics in the context of a resulting diffusion and concentration of power. In view of the urgency of a long-term containment of asymmetrical or conventional threats to security, or aspects that exacerbate such threats or clusters thereof, as well as underlying global conditions, this undermines the ability to achieve the following: to achieve transatlantic cooperation by broadening the range of levels and actors in the spirit of proactive and expanded, networked security to achieve according global cooperation with respect to containing the root causes of threats.
Overall, this research work reveals how and why the anticipated “peace dividend” and the notion of an “age of hope”, as postulated by President Clinton, were hardly perceptible during the period of study between 1993 and 2017.
Notes
(1) Cf. Braml, Josef (2018), Trumps transaktionaler Transatlantizismus, in: Jäger, Thomas (Hrsg.), Zeitschrift für Außen- und Sicherheitspolitik, Oktober 2018, Volume 11, Ausgabe 4, S. 439-448, Wiesbaden.
(2) Cf. National Intelligence Council (Ed.) (2012), Global Trends 2013: Alternative Worlds (NIC 2012-001), https://publicintelligence.net/global-trends-2030/, last accessed: 12.04.19. See also the “international financial leadership, self-selected at Davos” cit. McCoy, Alfred W. (2017), In the Shadows of the American Century. The Rise and Decline of US Global Power, Chicago.
(3) In 1990, the threat-enhancing nature of climate change was already postulated with respect to asymmetric objects of threat as well as conventional and complex clusters: “Over the next half century, the global average temperature may increase by approximately 4 degrees C. (…) All nations will be affected. (…) How much time will there be to confirm the amount of change and then to act? (…) However, many believe that we will have waited too long to avoid major dislocation, hardship and conflict – on a scale not as yet seen by man“. Cf. Kelley, Terry P. (1990), Global Climate Change. Implications For The United States Navy (The United States Naval War College, Newport, RI), http://documents.theblackvault.com/documents/weather/climatechange/globalclimatechange-navy.pdf, last accessed: 30.03.19. Cf. Mazo, Jeffrey (2010), Climate Conflict. How global warming threatens security and what to do about it, London, Abingdon.
This supports the thesis of a developing, constant overall threat during the period between 1993 and 2017.
(4) Cf. Schlesinger, Arthur M., Jr. (1973), The Imperial Presidency, Boston.
(5) In this dissertation, the proposed US positions on NATO adaptation, the NATO Response Force and the Global Partnership Initiative are described as “NATO transformation positions”: Their actual establishment was connected to a NATO transformation with the consistent continuation of adapted US security policy.
(6) Cf. Nossel, Suzanne (2004), Smart Power. Reclaiming Liberal Internationalism, http://www.democracyarsenal.org/SmartPowerFA.pdf, last accessed: 26.08.17, Nye, Joseph S. Jr. (2011), The Future of Power, New York, Nye, Joseph S. Jr. (2011), Macht im 21sten Jahrhundert. Politische Strategien für ein neues Zeitalter, München, Rodham Clinton, Hillary (2010), Leading Through Civilan Power. Redefining American Diplomacy and Development, in: Foreign Affairs, November/December 2010, Vol. 89, No.6, S. 13-24.
In dieser Arbeit werden auf der Basis des aktuellen Forschungsstandes der Politolinguistik die Relevanz und Erklärungsmöglichkeiten politolinguistischer Analysen für das Verständnis der Sprachverwendung und Sprachprägung in der Politik am Beispiel der rechtspopulistischen Rhetorik der Alternative für Deutschland thematisiert. Die Arbeit folgt im Allgemeinen der Fragestellung, inwiefern die Politolinguistik die Sprachverwendung in der Politik und die dort entstehenden, sprachlichen Prägungen lexikalisch analysieren und mithilfe der politolinguistischen Lexikanalyse die durch politische Akteure vermittelten, politischen Intentionen offenlegen kann. Im Besonderen wird sich daran die Frage anschließen, auf welche Weise sich mit den Analysewerkzeugen der politolinguistischen Lexikanalyse das Kurzwahlprogramm der Alternative für Deutschland zur Bundestagswahl 2017 im Hinblick auf ihre rechtspopulistische Rhetorik untersuchen lässt und dortige, lexikalische Prägungsversuche der AfD identifiziert werden können.
Am Schluss der Arbeit steht Erkenntnisfortschritt, der eine deskriptive Erörterung der Relevanz und Möglichkeiten politolinguistischer Lexikanalysen sowie ihrer Werkzeuge für die Untersuchung politischer Sprachverwendung und durch Wortprägungen offenbarter Intentionen beinhaltet, dabei explizit sowohl etablierte als auch neuere Erkenntnisse des Forschungsfeldes miteinbezieht und diese im Hinblick auf die Anwendbarkeit zur Erforschung rechtspopulistischer Rhetorik reflektiert.
Tradierte Managementsysteme und primär auf die Erfüllung finanzieller Ziele ausgerichtete Führungsansätze scheinen heute der wirtschaftlichen Dynamik nicht mehr gewachsen. Die Zahl ausgebrannter Führungskräfte und Mitarbeiter nimmt zu. Ebenso der volkswirtschaftliche Schaden durch schlechte Führungsleistung. Zwar beeinflussen externe Faktoren wie globaler Wettbewerb, aufkeimende Handelskriege, die Digitalisierung in Wirtschaft und Gesellschaft die Rahmensetzungen für Unternehmen. Die Entscheidung über Erfolg oder Misserfolg verlagert sich aber signifikant nach Innen.
Diese Arbeit zeigt auf, dass Wissenschaftler und erfolgreiche CEOs einen Paradigmenwechsel fordern, da sie Kommunikationsbereitschaft und Kommunikationsfähigkeit als die relevanten Erfolgsfaktoren identifizieren. Unterstützend bestätigen interdisziplinäre Erkenntnisse und Forschungsergebnisse anderer Disziplinen – speziell der Neurowissenschaften, die Wirksamkeit einer Kommunikationskultur, die alle Sinne des Menschen aktiviert.
Das Phänomen der Kommunikation ganzheitlich zu verstehen und mittels dialogbasiertem Management umzusetzen, wird zum neuen Erfolgsschlüssel und wirkt sich auf alle unternehmerischen Prozesse, Führungs- und Interaktionssituationen aus. Unabhängig von Betriebsgröße und Branche. Die durch Dialog in Gang gesetzte positive reziproke Eskalation führt dazu, dass Kollegen/Mitarbeiter ihr Können und ihr Engagement in viel höherem Maße freiwillig zur Verfügung stellen, als es z.B. finanzielle Anreizsysteme je bewirken können.
Die Empirie dieser Forschungsarbeit spiegelt das Wissen der 22 hoch erfolgreichen österreichischen CEOs, Führungskräfte und Firmeneigentümer über Interne Kommunikation und deren Annäherung an diese Führungsaufgabe wider. In der Folge sind Leit-Ideen das vernetzte Ergebnis der theoretischen und empirischen Analysen. Diese daraus destillierten Leit-Ideen stehen für einen radikal dialogbasierten Kommunikationsansatz, der sämtliche Management-, Geschäfts- und Unterstützungsprozesse determiniert.
Verstehen CEOs und Führungskräften eine dialogbasierte Interne Kommunikation als eindeutig ihnen zufallende Führungsaufgabe, kann heute und in Zukunft die Querschnittsmaterie Interne Kommunikation zum größten Ressourcen-Pool für unternehmerischen Erfolg werden, so die diesbezüglichen Schlussfolgerungen.
Schrift ist in ihrer Besonderheit verkannt, versteht man sie allein als Mittel zur Stillstellung gesprochener Sprache. Phänomene wie Schriftbildlichkeit, Operativität und die Physiognomie des Schriftbildes machen Schrift zu einem Medium. In der Entwicklung und in der Verwendung von Schriftgebrauchsformen in unterschiedlichen Kontexten werden sowohl die Eigenschaften, die Schriftzeichen mit verbalen Zeichen gemeinsam haben, als auch die Potentiale, die sie mit pikturalen Zeichen gemeinsam haben, genutzt. Daher werden in der vorliegenden Arbeit die Funktionalisierungsmöglichkeiten von Schriftgebrauchsformen vor dem Hintergrund der Symboltheorie Nelson Goodmans vorgestellt. Eine an die ästhetische Theorie angelehnte Herangehensweise ermöglicht es, gerade die bildlichen Aspekte von Schriftformen – die bislang in schrifttheoretischen Arbeiten meist als irrelevant ausgeblendet werden – zu berücksichtigen. Es wird ein dynamischer Kompetenzbegriff in Anlehnung an J.G. Schneider entwickelt, der alle Fähigkeiten umfasst, die benötigt werden, um Schriftgebrauchsformen erfolgversprechend verwenden zu können. Zu diesen Fähigkeiten gehören nicht nur grammatische und orthographische Kompetenz, sondern ebenso Geschmack und die Fähigkeit zur Analogiebildung. An Beispielen verschiedener Schriftverwendungen wird gezeigt, wie unterschiedlich Schriftgebrauchsformen eingesetzt werden können. So wird Schrift als Kulturtechnik darstellbar und mithin verdeutlicht, dass die Art und Weise, wie Menschen ihre Kultur, ihre Welt, aber auch ihre spezifische Umgebung und eigene Identität modellieren, von Schriftverwendungen geprägt und verändert wird.
„La liaison est un phénomène complexe dont la phénoménologie est encore aujourd’hui sujette à recherches et à débats. Dans la littérature classique, orthoépique ou descriptive, comme dans les recherches les plus actuelles, la liaison est considérée comme un phénomène multi-paramétrique et tous les niveaux linguistiques sont convoqués : phonologie, prosodie et syllabation, morphologie, syntaxe, lexique et sémantique, diachronie, orthographe et différentiation des styles [...] toutes les dimensions de la variation externe : variation dans le temps, dans l’espace géographique et dans l’espace social, variation dans l’espace stylistique des genres de discours“
(Eychenne/Laks 2017:1).
Dieses Zitat beschreibt die Liaison als ein sehr komplexes, von vielen Parametern beeinflusstes Phänomen. Wie gehen Lernende 1 mit einem solchen Phänomen um? Welche Liaison realisie-ren sie wie häufig? Welche Fehler treten auf? Welche Gründe gibt es für diese Fehler? Welche Auswirkungen hat ein längerer Auslandsaufenthalt des Lernenden in einem französischsprachi-gen Land auf die Produktion von Liaisons? Gibt es Unterschiede zwischen dem Erwerb der Liaison bei Kindern mit Französisch als Erstsprache (L1) und Lernenden des Französischen als Fremdsprache (L2)?
Auf all diese Fragen möchte ich im Laufe der vorliegenden Arbeit eingehen. Nach dem Zusam-mentragen einiger grundlegender Fakten über die Liaison soll daher ein Korpus mit französi-schen Sprachaufnahmen von deutschen Studierenden ausgewertet werden. Die Ergebnisse wer-den im Anschluss präsentiert und zunächst mit Resultaten von Kindern mit Französisch als L1 sowie anschließend mit Ergebnissen anderer Studien über Französischlernende verglichen.
Water is used in a way as if it were available infinitely. Droughts, increased rainfall or flooding already lead to water shortages and, thus, deprive entire population groups of the basis of their livelihoods. There is a growing fear that conflicts over water will increase, especially in arid climate zones, because life without water - whether for humans, animals or plants - is not possible.
More than 60 % of the African population depend on land and water resources for their livelihoods through pastoralism, fishing and farming. The water levels of rivers and lakes are decreasing. Hence, the rural population which is dependent on land and water move towards water-rich and humid areas. This internal migration increases the pressure on available water resources. Driven by the desire to strengthen the economic development, African governments align their political agendas with the promotion of macro international and national economic projects.
This doctoral thesis examines the complex interrelationships between water shortages, governance, vulnerability, adaptive capacity and violent and non-violent conflicts at Lake Naivasha in Kenya and Lake Wamala in Uganda. In order to satisfy the overall complexity, this doctoral thesis combines various theoretical and empirical aspects in which a variety of methods are applied to different geographical regions, across disciplines, and cultural and political boundaries.
The investigation reveals that Lake Naivasha is more affected by violent conflicts than Lake Wamala. Reasons for this include population growth, historically grown ethnic conflicts, corruption and the preferential treatment of national and international economic actors. The most common conflict response tools are raiding and the blockage of water access. However, deathly encounters, destruction of property and cattle slaughtering are increasingly used to gain access to water and land.
The insufficient implementation of the political system and the governments’ prioritization to foster economic development results, on the one hand, in the commercialization of water resources and increases, on the other hand, non-violent conflict between national and sub-national political actors. While corruption, economic favours and patronage defuse this conflict, resource access becomes more difficult for the local population. Resulting thereof, a final hypothesis is developed which states that the localization of the political conflict aggravates the water situation for the local population and, thereby, favours violent conflicts over water access and water use in water-rich areas.
Successful export sectors in manufacturing and agribusiness are important drivers of structural transformation in Sub-Sahara African countries. Backed by industrial policies and active state involvement, a small number of successful productive export sectors has emerged in Sub-Saharan Africa. This thesis asks the question: How do politics shape the promotion of export-driven industrialisation and firm-level upgrading in Sub-Saharan Africa? It exemplifies this question with an in-depth, qualitative study of the cashew processing industry in Mozambique in the period from 1991 until 2019. Mozambique used to be one of the world’s largest producers and processors of cashew nuts in the 1960s and 1970s. At the end of the 20th century, the cashew processing industry broke down completely but has re-emerged as one of the country’s few successful agro-processing exports.
The thesis draws on theoretical approaches from the fields of political science, notably the political settlements framework, global value chain analysis and the research on technological capabilities to explore why the Mozambican Government supported the cashew processing industry and how Mozambican cashew processors acquired the technological capabilities needed to access the global cashew value chain and to upgrade. It makes an important theoretical contribution by linking the political settlements framework and the literature on upgrading in global value chains to study how politics shaped productive sector promotion and upgrading in the Mozambican cashew processing industry. The findings of the thesis are based on extensive primary data, including 58 expert interviews and 10 firm surveys, that was collected in Mozambique in 2018 as well as a broad base of secondary literature.
The thesis argues that the Mozambican Government supported the cashew processing industry because it became important for the Government’s political survival. Promoting the cashew sector formed part of an electoral strategy for the ruling FRELIMO coalition and a means to keep FRELIMO factions united by offering economic opportunities to key constituencies. In 1999, it adopted a protectionist cashew law that created strong incentives for cashew processing in Mozambique. This not only facilitated the re-emergence of the cashew processing industry after its breakdown. The law and the active involvement of the National Cashew Institute (INCAJU) also affected the governance of the local cashew value chain, the creation of backward linkages, and the upgrading paths of cashew processors. The findings of the thesis suggest that the cashew law reduced the pressure on the cashew processing industry to upgrade. The law further created opportunities for formal and informal rent creation for members of the political elite and lower level FRELIMO officials that prevented a far-reaching reform of the law. The thesis shows that international buyers do not promote upgrading among Sub-Sahara African firms in global value chains with market-based or modular governance. Moreover, firms that operate in countries where industrial policies are not enforced effectively cannot draw on the support of government institutions to enhance their capabilities and to upgrade. Firms therefore mainly depended on costly learning channels at firm level, e.g. learning by doing or hiring skilled labour, and/or on technical assistance from donors to build the technological capabilities needed to access global value chains and to remain competitive.
The findings of the thesis suggest that researchers, governments, development practitioners and consultants need to rethink their understanding of upgrading in GVCs in four ways. First, they need to move away from understanding upgrading in terms of moving towards more complex, higher value-added activities in GVCs (functional upgrading). Instead, it is important to consider the potential of other, more realistic types of upgrading for firms in low-income countries, such reducing risks by diversifying suppliers and buyers or increasing rewards by making production processes more efficient. Second, they need to replace an overly positive view on upgrading that neglects possible side-effects at sector and/or country level. Third, GVC participation on its own does not promote upgrading among local supplier firms in Sub-Saharan Africa. The interests of lead firms and Sub-Sahara African supplier firms may not be aligned or even conflicting. Targeted industrial policies and the creation of institutions that effectively promote capability building among firms therefore become even more important. Finally, upgrading needs to be understood as a process that is not only shaped by interactions between firms, but also by local domestic politics.
The findings of the thesis are highly relevant for scholars from the fields of political science, development studies, and economics. Its practical implications and tools, e.g. a technological capabilities matrix for the cashew industry, are of interest for development practitioners, members of public institutions in Sub-Sahara African countries, local entrepreneurs, and representatives of local business associations that are involved in promoting export sectors and upgrading among local firms.