Aktuelle quantitative Analysen von Web-Tracking bieten keinen umfassenden Überblick über dessen Entstehung, Ausbreitung und Entwicklung. Diese Arbeit ermöglicht durch Auswertung archivierter Webseiten eine rückblickende Erfassung der Entstehungsgeschichte des Web-Trackings zwischen den Jahren 2000 und 2015. Zu diesem Zweck wurde ein geeignetes Werkzeug entworfen, implementiert, evaluiert und zur Analyse von 10000 Webseiten eingesetzt. Während im Jahr 2005 durchschnittlich 1,17 Ressourcen von Drittparteien eingebettet wurden, zeigt sich ein Anstieg auf 6,61 in den darauffolgenden 10 Jahren. Netzwerkdiagramme visualisieren den Trend zu einer monopolisierten Netzstruktur, in der bereits ein einzelnes Unternehmen 80 % der Internetnutzung überwachen kann. Trotz vielfältiger Versuche, dieser Entwicklung durch technische Maßnahmen entgegenzuwirken, erweisen sich nur wenige Selbst- und Systemschutzmaßnahmen als wirkungsvoll. Diese gehen häufig mit einem Verlust der Funktionsfähigkeit einer Webseite oder mit einer Einschränkung der Nutzbarkeit des Browsers einher. Mit der vorgestellten Studie wird belegt, dass rechtliche Vorschriften ebenfalls keinen hinreichenden Schutz bieten. An Webauftritten von Bildungseinrichtungen werden Mängel bei Erfüllung der datenschutzrechtlichen Pflichten festgestellt. Diese zeigen sich durch fehlende, fehlerhafte oder unvollständige Datenschutzerklärungen, deren Bereitstellung zu den Informationspflichten eines Diensteanbieters gehören. Die alleinige Berücksichtigung klassischer Tracker ist nicht ausreichend, wie mit einer weiteren Studie nachgewiesen wird. Durch die offene Bereitstellung funktionaler Webseitenbestandteile kann ein Tracking-Unternehmen die Abdeckung von 38 % auf 61 % erhöhen. Diese Situation wird durch Messungen von Webseiten aus dem Gesundheitswesen belegt und aus technischer sowie rechtlicher Perspektive bewertet. Bestehende systemische Werkzeuge zum Erfassen von Web-Tracking verwenden für ihre Messung die Schnittstellen der Browser. In der vorliegenden Arbeit wird mit DisTrack ein Framework zur Web-Tracking-Analyse vorgestellt, welches eine Sandbox-basierte Messmethodik verfolgt. Dies ist eine Vorgehensweise, die in der dynamischen Schadsoftwareanalyse erfolgreich eingesetzt wird und sich auf das Erkennen von Seiteneffekten auf das umliegende System spezialisiert. Durch diese Verhaltensanalyse, die unabhängig von den Schnittstellen des Browsers operiert, wird eine ganzheitliche Untersuchung des Browsers ermöglicht. Auf diese Weise können systemische Schwachstellen im Browser aufgezeigt werden, die für speicherbasierte Web-Tracking-Verfahren nutzbar sind.

Das Lernen und Verstehen dynamischer Sachverhalte kann sowohl anhand von statischen Bildern als auch von Animationen erfolgen. Da die bisher vorliegenden Befunde keine eindeutige Überlegenheit der einen oder der anderen Repräsentationsform erkennen lassen, sind differenziertere Wirkungsanalysen erforderlich. Grundannahme der vorliegenden Dissertation war, dass beide Darstellungsformen unterschiedlich gut für den Aufbau dynamischer mentaler Modelle einerseits und den Aufbau dynamischer perzeptueller Repräsentationen andererseits geeignet sind. Es wurde erstens angenommen, dass dynamische mentale Modelle keine kontinuierlichen mentalen Simulationen ermöglichen, sondern aus einer Sequenz von diskreten prototypischen Prozess-Zuständen (sog. "key states") bestehen und deshalb besser anhand statischer Bilder dieser "key states" als anhand einer Animation konstruiert werden können. Zweitens wurde angenommen, dass perzeptuelle Repräsentationen dynamischer Sachverhalte aus dynamischen Schemata bestehen, die besser anhand einer Animation als anhand von statischen Bildern gebildet werden können. Als Indikator für die Qualität mentaler Modelle wurden Inferenzaufgaben verwendet, bei denen durch Manipulation dieser Modelle neue Informationen zu erschließen sind. Als Indikator für die Qualität dynamischer perzeptueller Repräsentationen wurden Leistungen bei der Kategorisierung von Bewegungsabläufen verwendet. Die erste Annahme wurde am Beispiel der synaptischen Informationsübertragung (nach einer Vorpilot- und Pilotstudie) in einer ersten Hauptstudie mit 61 Probanden überprüft. Die Ergebnisse weisen darauf hin, dass die Hypothese eher bei Probanden mit höherem Vorwissen als bei solchen mit niedrigerem Vorwissen zutrifft. Die zweite Annahme wurde am Beispiel des Erkennens der Gangart von Pferden (nach einer Pilotstudie) in einer zweiten Hauptstudie mit 52 Probanden überprüft. Die Ergebnisse zeigten durchwegs Unterschiede in der erwarteten Richtung, die jedoch nicht oder nur marginal signifikant sind. Allerdings führten die Animationen zu einer hochsignifikant geringeren kognitiven Belastung als statische Bilder. Darüber hinaus zeigten sich signifikante Interaktionen mit den räumlichen Fähigkeiten: Probanden mit geringeren Fähigkeiten profitieren bei der Kategorisierung von Bewegungsabläufen bedeutsam mehr von Animationen als von statischen Bildern.

Aims and findings of the dissertation The completed research uses holistic, politological and historical approaches to present how, during the studied period of the administrations of Clinton to Obama, the liberal, rule-based world order system is gradually supplemented and replaced by a system of realist imposition of vital interests that have short-term effects, preferring military means combined with continuous military optimisation. This also explains a continuity between the leading-power policy of administrations in this study (1993-2017) and the subsequent period of the “transactional leadership of Trump”(1), with its recognizable, far-reaching effects of aiming to reduce idealistic Grand Strategy elements and measures of a benevolent order by passing on costs to and reducing the benefits of European NATO allies. The results of this dissertation, such as the increasingly evident dissolution of a multilateral fundamental order, therefore indicate that Trump’s foreign and security policy to date should be regarded as a clearly noticeable crisis symptom, rather than the cause of a decline in the world order established after 1945. This decline is synonymous with the erosion of the transatlantically initiated bipolar “American system”. Its implementation was the result of the “lesson of two world wars”, based on modern concepts of order introduced by the Enlightenment and the founding criteria of the United States: thus its dissolution is also an indicator of the failure of contemporary criteria of order that thrive in the “American way of life”. The cause of the described development is shown to be a constantly exacerbating overall threat, from Clinton to Obama, which is connected to the consistent erosion of US supremacy. Among other aspects, this is based on climate change effects postulated in 1979, which multiply the threat while coinciding with American peak production of fossil fuels and increased demand on resources in the context of dwindling raw material resources. Furthermore, during the period of this study, the “US conservative revolution”, which began in the 1980s, increasingly affected foreign and security policy, combining with a consolidation in the influence of corporations and lobby groups in fields such as policy implementation and new underlying conditions. They include the onset of digitisation, entailing a high consumption of resources, and a growing world population faced with specific demographic indicators. Additionally, the maintenance of the armaments sector, originally a result of bipolar development, as the economic basis of military supremacy and the slow decline of the Dollar hegemony since around 1973, should also be taken into account. Complex interaction between Grand Strategy implementation according to the premise of expanding US-American dominance under neoconservative and Christian Right-wing influences, as well as asymmetrical and reactivated conventional security threats and threat multipliers clearly indicate the linear development of the overall threat in the period between 1993 and 2017: in the context of Grand Strategy statements, above all the understanding of defence against this threat, of the latter’s multiplying factors and the market economy explains the following with respect to the US far-right in a complex interaction with the growth of transnational corporations, lobby groups, individuals(2), informal networks and state actors with respect to objects of threat and threat multipliers(3) in connection with the post-bipolar, global anchoring of US economic and consumer patterns: US adaptation of its reaction to this threat – while consolidating imperial presidency(4) and weakening the system of checks and balances – including its implications of a bipolar liberal order. In this way, the necessary continued leadership within NATO through the US-proposed NATO reform can be seen as an appropriate implementation of transformed threat-reaction measures and the legitimisation of systemic adaptation. It equally becomes clear that the established threat reaction measures only provide a short-term defence: instead, they enhance the asymmetric and conventional threat, as well as threat multipliers – by introducing arms races and breaking down arms control – thereby heightening the overall threat. The consequence is the consistently growing likelihood of a conflict of hitherto unimaginable proportions. At the same time, the urgent need to mobilise transatlantic cooperation with respect to supporting global cooperation between state and non-government actors is illustrated with respect to the roots of the threat and its deteriorating underlying conditions: each increase in the overall threat, the adapted US security policy and its continuation in NATO is connected to an erosion of rule-based underlying criteria during the studied period. This continuously and consistently undermines the basis of the above-stated, ever-increasingly important cooperation, to prevent or at least limit the successive erosion of the bipolar “American system” under future dystopias. The research results completely overturn the state of research to date, since for instance it is possible to show that, by means of NATO transformation findings, no transatlantic sharing of burdens on an equal footing and no NATO reform in accordance with its founding principles can be achieved. The same also applies to European opposition to the actual anchoring of NATO transformation positions(5), which is based on the erosion of the bipolar liberal order system and the maintenance of US advantages as well as the consolidation of particular interests they facilitate. Furthermore, it is apparent that a line of continuity in the threat-reaction measures from Clinton to Obama exists with varying external effects, along with an underlying pattern of “Battleship America” – as opposed to a multilaterally orientated foreign and security policy under Clinton, which merged into a unilateral, radical swing under G. W. Bush 43 following 9/11, but was reverted by the Obama administration. A comprehensive wealth of literature was used of the doctoral thesis, as reflected by the extensive bibliography: they firstly include diverse American and European publications, monographs and relevant secondary literature, including biographies, publications of various kinds of important political planning and implementation, as well as collected volumes and research articles from specialist journals on all fields of research and politological methodology and theory. The same applies to publications by leading European and American institutions, research centres and think tanks. Furthermore, this author used publications and documents by governments, foreign ministries, defence ministries, other government bodies and Nato. Dissertation structure This dissertation is divided into two volumes and one Appendix: Volume 1 discusses Focus 1, namely a process-tracing in the context of offensive neorealist positioning. Volume 2 presents Focus 2, which is based on the preceding focus in making a structured, focussed comparison in the context of defensive neorealist positioning. The Appendix volume contains further discussion of Chapter 1, Volume 1 with respect to the state of research, literature and sources, theoretical positioning and the choice of the region of study and selected European NATO partners. Furthermore, a historical chapter provides underlying information for process-tracing in Chapter 2, Volume 1, an index of images and abbreviations, and a bibliography. The entire dissertation uses qualitative methods to focus on these two mutually supporting, building on each other, themes to investigate the following from a US-perspective: firstly the overriding US security-policy reaction to a new overall threat and secondly, its continuation combined with the opportunity of for enabling and legitimising it within and through NATO during the studied period from Clinton to Obama. Based on the first part of this hypothesis, Focus 1 (Volume 1) establishes a connection between, on the one hand, maintaining the bipolar Grand Strategy target of consolidating the USA as a leading, regulating power, bipolar foreign-policy Grand Strategy indicators and a new overall threat that is developing in a complex way, and, on the other, the necessity of its continued leadership within NATO and the required NATO transformation according to US-proposed NATO transformation positions. Focus 2 (Volume 2) is based on the second part of the hypothesis, investigating the transatlantic negotiation process to establish these US-proposed NATO transformation positions: in this context, Volume 2 investigates whether the attempt to actually secure and consolidate such US supremacy was unsuccessful in the face of resistance from selected European NATO partners, namely France, Germany and the United Kingdom. The overall result shows that due to a complex, developing, linear increase in the overall threat, the chance for the USA to consolidate its status as a leading power is steadily diminishing. This must be compensated by adapting US security policy. The resulting American security-policy realignment based on the initiated “revolution in military affairs” in turn modifies the indicators of bipolar collective security guarantees. Everything is enabled and legitimised by means of actually securing US NATO-transformation positions. The actual implementation of such NATO transformation – representing the consistent adaptation of US security policy – enables a mission-orientated, rapid response, flexible, global security projection. It also creates conditions for “alliances of choice” within NATO. Furthermore, the modification of a “bipolar NATO” exacerbates the erosion of key achievements of civilisation as a result of adapted US security policy, as well as undermining the tasks of bipolar collective security guarantees through diminished benefits to European NATO partners. The actual anchoring of NATO transformation positions is achieved by reactivating the conventional threat in the context of the Ukraine crisis of 2014 and the extension of NATO partnership rings on a global level, without providing them with NATO membership status, thus avoiding globalisation in a mutual defence case. The German and French resistance is particularly intensive through the involvement of European founder states, while the formation of a European leadership triumvirate consisting of France, Germany and the United Kingdom does not take place. Moreover, a relevant investigation of causes particularly shows that despite constant mutually supporting US security reaction measures with varying international effects and actual continued leadership within NATO, the overall threat is not receding: this leads to a constant increase in the overall threat, a loss of influence of state actors, the diffusion and concentration of power and the increased probability of reactive conventional, nuclear, cyber and ecological destruction scenarios. On this basis, the consequence is an increasingly comprehensive and rapidly responding precision defence combined with growing securitization to compensate for the ongoing containment of US supremacy. This developing process steadily diminishes the reach and power of a liberal, rule-based, bipolar “American system” and the establishment of “idealistic, liberal” elements of US-Grand Strategy. This entails a further reduction in benefits for European NATO allies and increasing US cost-cutting demands – based on the successive NATO transformation positions that build on each other and Obama’s “smart power”(6) during the period studied in this dissertation. Thus the chance is receding of developing the post-bipolar, globally adopted American way of life with individual national character, which is regarded as “non-negotiable”: for instance its articulation is expressed through increasing right-wing populism, the election of outsider-candidates, the dissolution of traditional party systems, isolationist tendencies combined with burgeoning ethnic, regional movements, the rejection of supranationalism, and religious fundamentalism. At the same time, the ongoing erosion of global public goods is apparent. This all paves the way to limiting the benevolent American regulating power and state actors’ leverage – and therefore to a return to classic power politics in the context of a resulting diffusion and concentration of power. In view of the urgency of a long-term containment of asymmetrical or conventional threats to security, or aspects that exacerbate such threats or clusters thereof, as well as underlying global conditions, this undermines the ability to achieve the following: to achieve transatlantic cooperation by broadening the range of levels and actors in the spirit of proactive and expanded, networked security to achieve according global cooperation with respect to containing the root causes of threats. Overall, this research work reveals how and why the anticipated “peace dividend” and the notion of an “age of hope”, as postulated by President Clinton, were hardly perceptible during the period of study between 1993 and 2017. Notes (1) Cf. Braml, Josef (2018), Trumps transaktionaler Transatlantizismus, in: Jäger, Thomas (Hrsg.), Zeitschrift für Außen- und Sicherheitspolitik, Oktober 2018, Volume 11, Ausgabe 4, S. 439-448, Wiesbaden. (2) Cf. National Intelligence Council (Ed.) (2012), Global Trends 2013: Alternative Worlds (NIC 2012-001), https://publicintelligence.net/global-trends-2030/, last accessed: 12.04.19. See also the “international financial leadership, self-selected at Davos” cit. McCoy, Alfred W. (2017), In the Shadows of the American Century. The Rise and Decline of US Global Power, Chicago. (3) In 1990, the threat-enhancing nature of climate change was already postulated with respect to asymmetric objects of threat as well as conventional and complex clusters: “Over the next half century, the global average temperature may increase by approximately 4 degrees C. (…) All nations will be affected. (…) How much time will there be to confirm the amount of change and then to act? (…) However, many believe that we will have waited too long to avoid major dislocation, hardship and conflict – on a scale not as yet seen by man“. Cf. Kelley, Terry P. (1990), Global Climate Change. Implications For The United States Navy (The United States Naval War College, Newport, RI), http://documents.theblackvault.com/documents/weather/climatechange/globalclimatechange-navy.pdf, last accessed: 30.03.19. Cf. Mazo, Jeffrey (2010), Climate Conflict. How global warming threatens security and what to do about it, London, Abingdon. This supports the thesis of a developing, constant overall threat during the period between 1993 and 2017. (4) Cf. Schlesinger, Arthur M., Jr. (1973), The Imperial Presidency, Boston. (5) In this dissertation, the proposed US positions on NATO adaptation, the NATO Response Force and the Global Partnership Initiative are described as “NATO transformation positions”: Their actual establishment was connected to a NATO transformation with the consistent continuation of adapted US security policy. (6) Cf. Nossel, Suzanne (2004), Smart Power. Reclaiming Liberal Internationalism, http://www.democracyarsenal.org/SmartPowerFA.pdf, last accessed: 26.08.17, Nye, Joseph S. Jr. (2011), The Future of Power, New York, Nye, Joseph S. Jr. (2011), Macht im 21sten Jahrhundert. Politische Strategien für ein neues Zeitalter, München, Rodham Clinton, Hillary (2010), Leading Through Civilan Power. Redefining American Diplomacy and Development, in: Foreign Affairs, November/December 2010, Vol. 89, No.6, S. 13-24.

Maßnahmen der Führungskräfteentwicklung verfolgen das Ziel den Führungsnachwuchs des Unternehmens zu bilden und für einen reibungslosen Einstieg in die Füh-rungsaufgabe zu sorgen. In der Literatur gibt es zahlreiche Theorien und Modelle zu Führung und deren Entwicklung, doch offen bleibt meist, wie es um den praktischen Einsatz und die Effektivität steht. Das Ziel dieser Arbeit ist die Identifikation wesentlicher Bestandteile der Führungskräfteentwicklung, die effektiv Einfluss auf (Nachwuchs-)Führungskräfte nehmen. Drei Studien beschäftigen sich jeweils mit unter-schiedlichen Schwerpunkten mit der Gestaltung und Wirksamkeit von modularen Programmen der Führungskräfteentwicklung. Zur Beschreibung der Gestaltung wurde eine Expertenbefragung unter Verantwortlichen für Führungskräfteentwicklung in 4 Großunternehmen durchgeführt. Zur Prüfung der Wirksamkeit wurden zwei Prädiktoren erfolgreichen Führens, die praktische Führungsintelligenz und die Führungswirksamkeitserwartung (FWE), in zwei repräsentativen modularen Programmen gemessen. Dafür wurden zwei quasiexperimentelle Designs mit Prätest-Posttest durchgeführt: ein Design mit zusätzlicher Kontrollgruppe (Nexp = 14, Nkontr = 12), ein Design mit zusätzlicher Fremdeinschätzung (N = 11 bis N =57 je nach Messzeitpunkt und beteiligten Variablen). Die praktische Führungsintelligenz wurde anhand eines für die Untersuchung entwickelten Situational Judgment Tests (SJTs) gemessen. Neben der FWE (in Anlehnung an die Skala zur Erfassung der beruflichen Selbstwirksamkeitserwartung, BSW-Skala) wurden weitere Konstrukte wie Selbstregulation (Locomotion-Assessment-Fragebogen, L-A-F), Optimismus (Skala Optimismus-Pessimismus-2, SOP2) Selbstmanagement (Fragebogens zur Erfassung von Ressourcen und Selbstmanagementfähigkeiten, FERUS) erfasst, sowie explorativ entwicklungsförderliche Merkmale erhoben. Entsprechend der Annahme verdichten sich die Ergebnisse auf drei Merkmale wirksamer Trainingsgestaltung: Erfahrungssammlung, Feedback, Selbstreflexion. Es konnte nachgewiesen werden, dass Programme mit hohem erfahrungsorientiertem Trainingsanteil, die Erfolgserlebnisse und Modelllernen fördern sowie persönliche Gespräche und Feedback beinhalten, die FWE (ŋ2 = .24, ŋ2 = .50) und die praktische Führungsintelligenz (ŋ2 = .54). signifikant (p<.05) steigern. Deutlich wurde auch der enge Zusammenhang zwischen Merkmalen der Person (wie Ausprägung der FWE oder Selbstregulationsfähigkeiten) und der Wirksamkeit der Programme. Aus den Ergebnissen werden Empfehlungen zur praktischen Umsetzung in der Führungskräfteentwicklung abgeleitet und Anregungen für zukünftige Forschung diskutiert.

The conservation of groundwater ecosystems requires an assessment and evaluation scheme that shows the state of the ecosystem. Consequently, faunal and microbial criteria are required for groundwater monitoring, in addition to physico-chemical analyses. To proof the adequacy of the application of groundwater organisms for the biological assessment of groundwater quality, an extensive sampling collection of various groundwater systems was accomplished between 2002 and 2009 in Germany. Key aspects were the examination of the indicator potential of groundwater communities towards surface-groundwater interactions and anthropogenic impacts, as well as the analysis of stygofaunal distribution patterns, as a base and reference for a faunal assessment scheme of groundwater systems. The sampling design considered local, regional, and biogeographic conditions. To test the indicator potential of groundwater organisms on a local and regional scale, groundwater systems in Nordrhein-Westfalen (NRW) and Baden-Württemberg (BW) were examined. The faunal and microbial data from unconsolidated aquifers (Erftgebiet, NRW) show the sensitivity of groundwater organisms against land use effects, e.g. extensive agriculture. Data analyses revealed positive correlations of organic material (estimated amount of detritus, TOC) and nitrate with faunal abundance, species richness, diversity and the proportions of stygoxene species. Moreover, the bacterial abundance and diversity in the groundwater of the Erftgebiet was high compared to oligotrophic groundwater systems, indicating an effect of surface influence due to agricultural land use. The groundwater colonization in the Alb-Donau-Kreis (BW) was analyzed for regional effects (landscape, type of aquifer, hydrogeology) and local effects (comparing single wells). The results show that the fauna reflects the strength of the hydrological exchange on different spatial scales. Furthermore, the fauna reflects the interaction of regional and local conditions. Accordingly, the diversity and abundance of groundwater organisms was influenced by the high connectivity of the karst and unconsolidated alluvial aquifers, the type of land use, covering layers of soil, the age of groundwater, and the sampling depths. In general, faunal and microbial data of the Alb-Donau-Kreis are characteristic for oligotrophic, oligoalimonic groundwaters. The large scale analyses of stygofaunal distribution patterns revealed significant biogeographical differences of the communities. These community patterns of the groundwater fauna do not coincide with existing classification schemes defined for surface landscapes or freshwater systems. The largest differences between faunal surface and subsurface distribution patterns were found between the groundwater of northern and southern Germany and the foothills of the central mountain ranges - all of them regions shaped by the last ice ages. In accordance with the faunal data assessed in groundwater, four different stygoregions were defined that are populated by distinct faunal assemblages. These are 1) the "Northern lowlands", 2) the "Central mountain ranges", 3) the "South-western mountain ranges", and 4) the "Southern mountain ranges and northern alps". The study corroborates that stygofaunal and microbial communities are an adequate tool for the qualitative assessment and monitoring of groundwater ecosystems. The best indicators to detect anthropogenic impacts on groundwater ecosystems are the faunal diversity, abundance, the proportions of stygobitic (obligate groundwater species) and stygoxene species (species not obligate for groundwater), and the bacterial abundance. The development of an ecologically based groundwater assessment and management, is crucial for the conservation of our groundwater ecosystems and thus, healthy drinking water. The defintion of "stygoregions" is an important base for the development of an assessment and reference scheme for groundwater ecosystems. The assessment of the ecological state of groundwater systems must be conducted on local scale, because the strength of the local hydrological influence determines the amount of food and oxygen as well as stygoxene animals within the aquifer, and thus shapes the local groundwater communities. Nevertheless, information of the biogeographic and regional conditions is needed as a reference for the type of species and abundances that potentially can occur in certain groundwater systems.