This study examines the contribution of saving and credit cooperatives (SACCOS) on the improvement of members‘ socio economic development in Rwanda: Opportunities and challenges‖, Evidence from Umwalimu SACCO- Huye District‖. The appearance of saving and credit cooperatives or credit unions has been known as remedy for social ills rooted in poverty because of its efficiency in loans or credits dispensation, social equality for enhancement and reduction of poverty amongst low income earners. Therefore, millions and millions of poor people and non-bankable in developing countries (or third world countries) have been provided access to formal financial services through saving and credit cooperatives‘ programs. The targeted population concerned by the study was 1,940 members of USACCO from which a sample of 92 respondents was purposively selected. The study has adopted a combination of correlation and descriptive research design. It has employed both quantitative and qualitative approaches. The study used both primary and secondary data. The primary data was collected using questionnaire and interview and, while secondary data was collected using documentations techniques whereby, Manual of procedures and Credit policies of USACCO and financial reports have been consulted. The analysis of data was done using SPSS version 21. The data was presented in form of tables, charts and graphs designed by SPSS v. 21. The bio-characteristics of respondents showed that, the majority of respondents were women with 55.4%, majority of respondents‘ age is between 26 to 45 years Furthermore, and majority 77.20% of respondents were married. 100% of respondents attended school, where the majority of respondents attended secondary school with certificate A2. The study has revealed that Umwalimu SACCO services offered to its members have a positive effect on the improvement of members‘ welfare. It was found that USACCO services have slightly affected income level of members, assets acquired, access to education and medical care as well as small income generating activities established by members in Huye District. The analysis of data also revealed that there are some variables which have effected USACCO members‘ socio-economic status, these were listed as: Education background of a member, number of dependents, the occupation of a member, and number of loans got from USACCO, government programs against teachers‘ welfare, and membership duration played very important role on the improvement of standard living of teachers. All these variables were found to have positive effects on teachers‘ socio-economic status, except the family size of respondents. In addition, the findings showed that, the majority of respondents confirmed that, they did not find opportunities to save with other financial institutions, and other respondents did not have access to loan from other financial institutions due to complicated loan requirements. In addition, after they have joined USACCO, their deplorable status somewhat changed, both socially and economically which has contributed to the improvement of their welfare. Therefore, the study testified that, the welfare of USACCO members in terms of assets acquired, income increased was improved compared to situation before joining USACCO. The study concludes that ―the level of improvement of living conditions of teachers depends largely to the level of loan granted by USACCO to teachers and membership duration. If the level of teachers‘ loan and saving increases, there will be also improvement of teachers‘ wellbeing‖ and finally, USACCO financial service is a veritable instrument for better improvement of economic and social conditions of teachers. The study recommends that, USACCO should provide frequent and regular trainings on business management game to their members. This could help members for good management of their loans and reducing loan defaulters‘ cases observed at USACCO. Challenges observed were lack of physical collateral security required by USACCO, complicated loan requirements terms and conditions and insufficient trainings on business management game.

Successful export sectors in manufacturing and agribusiness are important drivers of structural transformation in Sub-Sahara African countries. Backed by industrial policies and active state involvement, a small number of successful productive export sectors has emerged in Sub-Saharan Africa. This thesis asks the question: How do politics shape the promotion of export-driven industrialisation and firm-level upgrading in Sub-Saharan Africa? It exemplifies this question with an in-depth, qualitative study of the cashew processing industry in Mozambique in the period from 1991 until 2019. Mozambique used to be one of the world’s largest producers and processors of cashew nuts in the 1960s and 1970s. At the end of the 20th century, the cashew processing industry broke down completely but has re-emerged as one of the country’s few successful agro-processing exports. The thesis draws on theoretical approaches from the fields of political science, notably the political settlements framework, global value chain analysis and the research on technological capabilities to explore why the Mozambican Government supported the cashew processing industry and how Mozambican cashew processors acquired the technological capabilities needed to access the global cashew value chain and to upgrade. It makes an important theoretical contribution by linking the political settlements framework and the literature on upgrading in global value chains to study how politics shaped productive sector promotion and upgrading in the Mozambican cashew processing industry. The findings of the thesis are based on extensive primary data, including 58 expert interviews and 10 firm surveys, that was collected in Mozambique in 2018 as well as a broad base of secondary literature. The thesis argues that the Mozambican Government supported the cashew processing industry because it became important for the Government’s political survival. Promoting the cashew sector formed part of an electoral strategy for the ruling FRELIMO coalition and a means to keep FRELIMO factions united by offering economic opportunities to key constituencies. In 1999, it adopted a protectionist cashew law that created strong incentives for cashew processing in Mozambique. This not only facilitated the re-emergence of the cashew processing industry after its breakdown. The law and the active involvement of the National Cashew Institute (INCAJU) also affected the governance of the local cashew value chain, the creation of backward linkages, and the upgrading paths of cashew processors. The findings of the thesis suggest that the cashew law reduced the pressure on the cashew processing industry to upgrade. The law further created opportunities for formal and informal rent creation for members of the political elite and lower level FRELIMO officials that prevented a far-reaching reform of the law. The thesis shows that international buyers do not promote upgrading among Sub-Sahara African firms in global value chains with market-based or modular governance. Moreover, firms that operate in countries where industrial policies are not enforced effectively cannot draw on the support of government institutions to enhance their capabilities and to upgrade. Firms therefore mainly depended on costly learning channels at firm level, e.g. learning by doing or hiring skilled labour, and/or on technical assistance from donors to build the technological capabilities needed to access global value chains and to remain competitive. The findings of the thesis suggest that researchers, governments, development practitioners and consultants need to rethink their understanding of upgrading in GVCs in four ways. First, they need to move away from understanding upgrading in terms of moving towards more complex, higher value-added activities in GVCs (functional upgrading). Instead, it is important to consider the potential of other, more realistic types of upgrading for firms in low-income countries, such reducing risks by diversifying suppliers and buyers or increasing rewards by making production processes more efficient. Second, they need to replace an overly positive view on upgrading that neglects possible side-effects at sector and/or country level. Third, GVC participation on its own does not promote upgrading among local supplier firms in Sub-Saharan Africa. The interests of lead firms and Sub-Sahara African supplier firms may not be aligned or even conflicting. Targeted industrial policies and the creation of institutions that effectively promote capability building among firms therefore become even more important. Finally, upgrading needs to be understood as a process that is not only shaped by interactions between firms, but also by local domestic politics. The findings of the thesis are highly relevant for scholars from the fields of political science, development studies, and economics. Its practical implications and tools, e.g. a technological capabilities matrix for the cashew industry, are of interest for development practitioners, members of public institutions in Sub-Sahara African countries, local entrepreneurs, and representatives of local business associations that are involved in promoting export sectors and upgrading among local firms.

Aims and findings of the dissertation The completed research uses holistic, politological and historical approaches to present how, during the studied period of the administrations of Clinton to Obama, the liberal, rule-based world order system is gradually supplemented and replaced by a system of realist imposition of vital interests that have short-term effects, preferring military means combined with continuous military optimisation. This also explains a continuity between the leading-power policy of administrations in this study (1993-2017) and the subsequent period of the “transactional leadership of Trump”(1), with its recognizable, far-reaching effects of aiming to reduce idealistic Grand Strategy elements and measures of a benevolent order by passing on costs to and reducing the benefits of European NATO allies. The results of this dissertation, such as the increasingly evident dissolution of a multilateral fundamental order, therefore indicate that Trump’s foreign and security policy to date should be regarded as a clearly noticeable crisis symptom, rather than the cause of a decline in the world order established after 1945. This decline is synonymous with the erosion of the transatlantically initiated bipolar “American system”. Its implementation was the result of the “lesson of two world wars”, based on modern concepts of order introduced by the Enlightenment and the founding criteria of the United States: thus its dissolution is also an indicator of the failure of contemporary criteria of order that thrive in the “American way of life”. The cause of the described development is shown to be a constantly exacerbating overall threat, from Clinton to Obama, which is connected to the consistent erosion of US supremacy. Among other aspects, this is based on climate change effects postulated in 1979, which multiply the threat while coinciding with American peak production of fossil fuels and increased demand on resources in the context of dwindling raw material resources. Furthermore, during the period of this study, the “US conservative revolution”, which began in the 1980s, increasingly affected foreign and security policy, combining with a consolidation in the influence of corporations and lobby groups in fields such as policy implementation and new underlying conditions. They include the onset of digitisation, entailing a high consumption of resources, and a growing world population faced with specific demographic indicators. Additionally, the maintenance of the armaments sector, originally a result of bipolar development, as the economic basis of military supremacy and the slow decline of the Dollar hegemony since around 1973, should also be taken into account. Complex interaction between Grand Strategy implementation according to the premise of expanding US-American dominance under neoconservative and Christian Right-wing influences, as well as asymmetrical and reactivated conventional security threats and threat multipliers clearly indicate the linear development of the overall threat in the period between 1993 and 2017: in the context of Grand Strategy statements, above all the understanding of defence against this threat, of the latter’s multiplying factors and the market economy explains the following with respect to the US far-right in a complex interaction with the growth of transnational corporations, lobby groups, individuals(2), informal networks and state actors with respect to objects of threat and threat multipliers(3) in connection with the post-bipolar, global anchoring of US economic and consumer patterns: US adaptation of its reaction to this threat – while consolidating imperial presidency(4) and weakening the system of checks and balances – including its implications of a bipolar liberal order. In this way, the necessary continued leadership within NATO through the US-proposed NATO reform can be seen as an appropriate implementation of transformed threat-reaction measures and the legitimisation of systemic adaptation. It equally becomes clear that the established threat reaction measures only provide a short-term defence: instead, they enhance the asymmetric and conventional threat, as well as threat multipliers – by introducing arms races and breaking down arms control – thereby heightening the overall threat. The consequence is the consistently growing likelihood of a conflict of hitherto unimaginable proportions. At the same time, the urgent need to mobilise transatlantic cooperation with respect to supporting global cooperation between state and non-government actors is illustrated with respect to the roots of the threat and its deteriorating underlying conditions: each increase in the overall threat, the adapted US security policy and its continuation in NATO is connected to an erosion of rule-based underlying criteria during the studied period. This continuously and consistently undermines the basis of the above-stated, ever-increasingly important cooperation, to prevent or at least limit the successive erosion of the bipolar “American system” under future dystopias. The research results completely overturn the state of research to date, since for instance it is possible to show that, by means of NATO transformation findings, no transatlantic sharing of burdens on an equal footing and no NATO reform in accordance with its founding principles can be achieved. The same also applies to European opposition to the actual anchoring of NATO transformation positions(5), which is based on the erosion of the bipolar liberal order system and the maintenance of US advantages as well as the consolidation of particular interests they facilitate. Furthermore, it is apparent that a line of continuity in the threat-reaction measures from Clinton to Obama exists with varying external effects, along with an underlying pattern of “Battleship America” – as opposed to a multilaterally orientated foreign and security policy under Clinton, which merged into a unilateral, radical swing under G. W. Bush 43 following 9/11, but was reverted by the Obama administration. A comprehensive wealth of literature was used of the doctoral thesis, as reflected by the extensive bibliography: they firstly include diverse American and European publications, monographs and relevant secondary literature, including biographies, publications of various kinds of important political planning and implementation, as well as collected volumes and research articles from specialist journals on all fields of research and politological methodology and theory. The same applies to publications by leading European and American institutions, research centres and think tanks. Furthermore, this author used publications and documents by governments, foreign ministries, defence ministries, other government bodies and Nato. Dissertation structure This dissertation is divided into two volumes and one Appendix: Volume 1 discusses Focus 1, namely a process-tracing in the context of offensive neorealist positioning. Volume 2 presents Focus 2, which is based on the preceding focus in making a structured, focussed comparison in the context of defensive neorealist positioning. The Appendix volume contains further discussion of Chapter 1, Volume 1 with respect to the state of research, literature and sources, theoretical positioning and the choice of the region of study and selected European NATO partners. Furthermore, a historical chapter provides underlying information for process-tracing in Chapter 2, Volume 1, an index of images and abbreviations, and a bibliography. The entire dissertation uses qualitative methods to focus on these two mutually supporting, building on each other, themes to investigate the following from a US-perspective: firstly the overriding US security-policy reaction to a new overall threat and secondly, its continuation combined with the opportunity of for enabling and legitimising it within and through NATO during the studied period from Clinton to Obama. Based on the first part of this hypothesis, Focus 1 (Volume 1) establishes a connection between, on the one hand, maintaining the bipolar Grand Strategy target of consolidating the USA as a leading, regulating power, bipolar foreign-policy Grand Strategy indicators and a new overall threat that is developing in a complex way, and, on the other, the necessity of its continued leadership within NATO and the required NATO transformation according to US-proposed NATO transformation positions. Focus 2 (Volume 2) is based on the second part of the hypothesis, investigating the transatlantic negotiation process to establish these US-proposed NATO transformation positions: in this context, Volume 2 investigates whether the attempt to actually secure and consolidate such US supremacy was unsuccessful in the face of resistance from selected European NATO partners, namely France, Germany and the United Kingdom. The overall result shows that due to a complex, developing, linear increase in the overall threat, the chance for the USA to consolidate its status as a leading power is steadily diminishing. This must be compensated by adapting US security policy. The resulting American security-policy realignment based on the initiated “revolution in military affairs” in turn modifies the indicators of bipolar collective security guarantees. Everything is enabled and legitimised by means of actually securing US NATO-transformation positions. The actual implementation of such NATO transformation – representing the consistent adaptation of US security policy – enables a mission-orientated, rapid response, flexible, global security projection. It also creates conditions for “alliances of choice” within NATO. Furthermore, the modification of a “bipolar NATO” exacerbates the erosion of key achievements of civilisation as a result of adapted US security policy, as well as undermining the tasks of bipolar collective security guarantees through diminished benefits to European NATO partners. The actual anchoring of NATO transformation positions is achieved by reactivating the conventional threat in the context of the Ukraine crisis of 2014 and the extension of NATO partnership rings on a global level, without providing them with NATO membership status, thus avoiding globalisation in a mutual defence case. The German and French resistance is particularly intensive through the involvement of European founder states, while the formation of a European leadership triumvirate consisting of France, Germany and the United Kingdom does not take place. Moreover, a relevant investigation of causes particularly shows that despite constant mutually supporting US security reaction measures with varying international effects and actual continued leadership within NATO, the overall threat is not receding: this leads to a constant increase in the overall threat, a loss of influence of state actors, the diffusion and concentration of power and the increased probability of reactive conventional, nuclear, cyber and ecological destruction scenarios. On this basis, the consequence is an increasingly comprehensive and rapidly responding precision defence combined with growing securitization to compensate for the ongoing containment of US supremacy. This developing process steadily diminishes the reach and power of a liberal, rule-based, bipolar “American system” and the establishment of “idealistic, liberal” elements of US-Grand Strategy. This entails a further reduction in benefits for European NATO allies and increasing US cost-cutting demands – based on the successive NATO transformation positions that build on each other and Obama’s “smart power”(6) during the period studied in this dissertation. Thus the chance is receding of developing the post-bipolar, globally adopted American way of life with individual national character, which is regarded as “non-negotiable”: for instance its articulation is expressed through increasing right-wing populism, the election of outsider-candidates, the dissolution of traditional party systems, isolationist tendencies combined with burgeoning ethnic, regional movements, the rejection of supranationalism, and religious fundamentalism. At the same time, the ongoing erosion of global public goods is apparent. This all paves the way to limiting the benevolent American regulating power and state actors’ leverage – and therefore to a return to classic power politics in the context of a resulting diffusion and concentration of power. In view of the urgency of a long-term containment of asymmetrical or conventional threats to security, or aspects that exacerbate such threats or clusters thereof, as well as underlying global conditions, this undermines the ability to achieve the following: to achieve transatlantic cooperation by broadening the range of levels and actors in the spirit of proactive and expanded, networked security to achieve according global cooperation with respect to containing the root causes of threats. Overall, this research work reveals how and why the anticipated “peace dividend” and the notion of an “age of hope”, as postulated by President Clinton, were hardly perceptible during the period of study between 1993 and 2017. Notes (1) Cf. Braml, Josef (2018), Trumps transaktionaler Transatlantizismus, in: Jäger, Thomas (Hrsg.), Zeitschrift für Außen- und Sicherheitspolitik, Oktober 2018, Volume 11, Ausgabe 4, S. 439-448, Wiesbaden. (2) Cf. National Intelligence Council (Ed.) (2012), Global Trends 2013: Alternative Worlds (NIC 2012-001), https://publicintelligence.net/global-trends-2030/, last accessed: 12.04.19. See also the “international financial leadership, self-selected at Davos” cit. McCoy, Alfred W. (2017), In the Shadows of the American Century. The Rise and Decline of US Global Power, Chicago. (3) In 1990, the threat-enhancing nature of climate change was already postulated with respect to asymmetric objects of threat as well as conventional and complex clusters: “Over the next half century, the global average temperature may increase by approximately 4 degrees C. (…) All nations will be affected. (…) How much time will there be to confirm the amount of change and then to act? (…) However, many believe that we will have waited too long to avoid major dislocation, hardship and conflict – on a scale not as yet seen by man“. Cf. Kelley, Terry P. (1990), Global Climate Change. Implications For The United States Navy (The United States Naval War College, Newport, RI), http://documents.theblackvault.com/documents/weather/climatechange/globalclimatechange-navy.pdf, last accessed: 30.03.19. Cf. Mazo, Jeffrey (2010), Climate Conflict. How global warming threatens security and what to do about it, London, Abingdon. This supports the thesis of a developing, constant overall threat during the period between 1993 and 2017. (4) Cf. Schlesinger, Arthur M., Jr. (1973), The Imperial Presidency, Boston. (5) In this dissertation, the proposed US positions on NATO adaptation, the NATO Response Force and the Global Partnership Initiative are described as “NATO transformation positions”: Their actual establishment was connected to a NATO transformation with the consistent continuation of adapted US security policy. (6) Cf. Nossel, Suzanne (2004), Smart Power. Reclaiming Liberal Internationalism, http://www.democracyarsenal.org/SmartPowerFA.pdf, last accessed: 26.08.17, Nye, Joseph S. Jr. (2011), The Future of Power, New York, Nye, Joseph S. Jr. (2011), Macht im 21sten Jahrhundert. Politische Strategien für ein neues Zeitalter, München, Rodham Clinton, Hillary (2010), Leading Through Civilan Power. Redefining American Diplomacy and Development, in: Foreign Affairs, November/December 2010, Vol. 89, No.6, S. 13-24.

Schrift ist in ihrer Besonderheit verkannt, versteht man sie allein als Mittel zur Stillstellung gesprochener Sprache. Phänomene wie Schriftbildlichkeit, Operativität und die Physiognomie des Schriftbildes machen Schrift zu einem Medium. In der Entwicklung und in der Verwendung von Schriftgebrauchsformen in unterschiedlichen Kontexten werden sowohl die Eigenschaften, die Schriftzeichen mit verbalen Zeichen gemeinsam haben, als auch die Potentiale, die sie mit pikturalen Zeichen gemeinsam haben, genutzt. Daher werden in der vorliegenden Arbeit die Funktionalisierungsmöglichkeiten von Schriftgebrauchsformen vor dem Hintergrund der Symboltheorie Nelson Goodmans vorgestellt. Eine an die ästhetische Theorie angelehnte Herangehensweise ermöglicht es, gerade die bildlichen Aspekte von Schriftformen – die bislang in schrifttheoretischen Arbeiten meist als irrelevant ausgeblendet werden – zu berücksichtigen. Es wird ein dynamischer Kompetenzbegriff in Anlehnung an J.G. Schneider entwickelt, der alle Fähigkeiten umfasst, die benötigt werden, um Schriftgebrauchsformen erfolgversprechend verwenden zu können. Zu diesen Fähigkeiten gehören nicht nur grammatische und orthographische Kompetenz, sondern ebenso Geschmack und die Fähigkeit zur Analogiebildung. An Beispielen verschiedener Schriftverwendungen wird gezeigt, wie unterschiedlich Schriftgebrauchsformen eingesetzt werden können. So wird Schrift als Kulturtechnik darstellbar und mithin verdeutlicht, dass die Art und Weise, wie Menschen ihre Kultur, ihre Welt, aber auch ihre spezifische Umgebung und eigene Identität modellieren, von Schriftverwendungen geprägt und verändert wird.

In Idar-Oberstein gab es ab der zweiten Hälfte des 19. Jahrhunderts eine bedeutende Produktion von Modeschmuck in zahlreichen großen Fabriken, die sich bis in die 1980er Jahre halten konnte. Neben Pforzheim, Schwäbisch Gmünd und Hanau war Idar-Oberstein eines der vier wichtigsten deutschen Schmuckzentren. Heute sind nur noch vierzehn Firmennachlässe erhalten, dazu kommen die Bestände des Museums unterhalb der Felsenkirche. In dem erhaltenen Schmuck spiegeln sich die jeweils aktuellen Kunstrichtungen vom Historismus über Jugendstil, Art déco bis hin zu Informel und Zero in den 1960er und 70er Jahren. Außerdem haben sich auch viele alte Dokumente erhalten, die zusammengenommen ein Bild des damaligen Wirkens und Werkens der Schmuckfabriken liefern. Im Zentrum dieser Arbeit steht deshalb die wissenschaftliche Aufarbeitung dieser 15 Bestände. Jedoch wurde schnell klar, dass diese nicht einfach so für sich allein stehen können. Zunächst fehlte ein geistiger Überbau, um das Phänomen Modeschmuck wirklich verstehen und einordnen zu können. Daher steht am Anfang der Arbeit die Grundlegung einer bisher noch nicht vorhandenen Schmucktheorie mit schmuckästhetischen Überlegungen, die kunsthistorische, soziologische, psychologische und philosophische Standpunkte mit einbeziehen. Aber nicht nur ein geistiger Überbau, sondern auch ein materieller Unterbau waren nötig, um das Phänomen umfassend zu klären: In der bildenden Kunst käme niemand auf die Idee, ein Kunstwerk zu beurteilen, ohne seine Entstehungstechnik zu kennen. Ob etwas eine Ätzradierung oder ein Ölgemälde ist, macht doch einen enormen Unterschied. Beim Schmuck wurden derartige Überlegungen bisher weitgehend ignoriert, obwohl sein äußeres Erscheinungsbild genauso stark von den Techniken, die bei seiner Fertigung zum Einsatz kommen, geprägt ist. So haben wir es beim Idar-Obersteiner Modeschmuck nicht nur mit einer Entwicklung des Geschmacks, sondern auch mit einer technologischen Entwicklung zu tun, die jeweils neue bzw. andere Formen ermöglichte. Darauf folgt ein industriegeschichtlicher Überblick über die Idar-Obersteiner Schmuck- und Metallwarenproduktion, in dem gezeigt wird, warum gerade Idar-Oberstein sich neben Pforzheim, Hanau und Schwäbisch Gmünd zu einem der vier wichtigsten deutschen Schmuckzentren entwickeln konnte. Von zentraler Bedeutung ist der nun folgende Abschnitt über die kunsthistorische Entwicklung des Idar-Obersteiner Modeschmucks. Besonders gewürdigt wird dort die Nähe der Entwürfe zur zeitgenössischen bildenden Kunst und der innovative Umgang mit einfachen Materialien, der schon früh zu Schmuckformen führte, die unabhängig vom Echtschmuck waren. Es folgt die wissenschaftliche Aufarbeitung der vierzehn erhaltenen Firmennachlässe. Im Katalog werden schließlich repräsentative Ausschnitte aus dem erhaltenen Schmuckbestand der einzelnen Firmen und Höhepunkte der Bestände des Museums Idar-Oberstein unterhalb der Felsenkirche gezeigt, darunter bisher unbekannte Arbeiten aus dem Magazin. Meine Arbeit soll einerseits das, was sich in Idar-Oberstein erhalten hat, dokumentieren, andererseits aber auch ganz allgemein neue Impulse zum wissenschaftlichen Umgang mit dem Thema Schmuck geben und zeigen, wie wichtig es ist, sowohl schmucktheoretische Aspekte als auch die historischen Verfahrenstechniken in die Analyse mit einzubeziehen.